The First Japanese Classical Liberal: Itagaki Taisuke

While Japan faces its fair share of economic issues like any other country, today, Japan is the third-​largest economy on the planet by nominal GDP. Japanese electronic products are famous the world over, and Japanese people are constantly pushing the boundaries of technology. However, this was not always the case. Until the latter half of the 19th-​century, Japan was an isolated archipelago that was far behind European nations in terms of technology and economic growth. In 1853, when Commodore Matthew Perry used gunship diplomacy to force open Japan’s borders, the reigning Tokugawa regime lost all legitimacy and was quickly replaced by Emperor Meiji, ushering in a period of unparalleled modernization. The normal story we hear is that the Meiji period is marked by enlightened despotism. The benevolent Meiji modernized the country by importing western technology and human capital. But this is only half of the story. Japan did not only import western technology but western ideas. However, this aspect of the Meiji restoration was not a top-​down approach, but a popular movement galvanized by an awareness of political rights, representation, and democracy. Though known to few westerners, the soldier, politician, and popular leader Itagaki Taiksuke brought classical liberal principles to the forefront of the Japanese world.

Though we are talking about the Meiji period, we need some context of what came before Japan’s rapid industrialization. In the 15th-​century, the ruling Ashikaga Shogunate collapsed, leaving a power vacuum various warlords and clans sought to fill. Despite lofty ambitions, no one could reunify Japan under one banner. For nearly 150 years, Japan was plunged into a perpetual civil war known as Sengoku. Eventually, the warlord Tokugawa Ieyasu displaced his rival Toyotomi Hideyoshi’s son and finally unified Japan under what is known as the Tokugawa shogunate. The iconic samurai warriors who had made a name for themselves in Japan engulfed by war now found themselves in an awkward position. In a world without constant bloodshed, warriors were no longer needed. The samurai adapted under the Tokugawa Shogunate; they became scholars and bureaucrats for the government living off a stipend supplied to them by the state.

Previously, trade was largely left unrestricted, but under Tokugawa’s rule, a strict policy of isolationism was followed called Sakoku. Any foreigner who entered or Japanese national who left the country was to be executed. Though foreign trade was permitted to some degree, it was heavily regulated and limited in scope. Japan was a closed country, a mysterious place most of the world knew little about. Tokugawa’s policy of isolationism lasted over two hundred years, during which Japan experienced internal peace and harmony. After so much war, the Tokugawa regime pursued peace and harmony above all else. The state-​enforced strict laws based upon hierarchy and tradition. Penalties were harsh to stop any dissent. While there were undoubtedly technological and intellectual developments during this period, Japan was outpaced by European nations who were constantly trying to out-​compete one another. While European nations were groping towards modernity, Japan stayed firmly in place.

This was the culture Itagaki Taisuke was born into, but by the end of his life in 1919, Japan transformed dramatically into the most powerful nation in East Asia.

Itagaki Taisuke was born in 1837, and he belonged to a middle-​ranking samurai family based in the Tosa Domain on the island of Shikoku, the smallest of Japan’s four main islands. Itagaki spent his youth being educated in the traditional mores and manners of a samurai, studying philosophy, poetry, and the tenants of Shinto-​Buddhism on top of training in martial arts and military strategy. The Tosa Domain was an unassuming location for a political leader who would come to define a generation. Tosa’s location on the Pacific Ocean made it an ideal place for international trade. Still, due to the Tokugawa regime’s strict isolationist policy, the Tosa domain did not become the powerhouse of shipping and industry it ought to be. But the situation of Tosa changed dramatically while Itagaki was still young. This change did not come from government decrees or the wisdom of the samurai class but from the efforts of a commoner teenage boy.

Manjiro was a common-​born fisherman who lived in Tosa in the village of Naka-​no-​hama. At the age of 14, while he was out fishing, Manjiro’s boat was wrecked on the island of Torishima. Manjiro and his four friends survived by scavenging food until they were encountered by an American whaleship captained by William H. Whitfield. Whitfield took aboard the five survivors and left them in Honolulu Hawaii, however, Manjiro wanted to stay aboard the ship. Whitfield brought Manjiro back to Fairhaven, Massachusetts, where he was enrolled in school studying English and navigation for a year—manjiro apprenticed as cooper until he found employment on a whaling ship. After two years of whaling, Manjiro returned to Massachusetts with 350 dollars to his name. Manjiro used his money to travel to California to take part in the Gold Rush. Unlike many others, Manjiro struck gold and earned an additional 600$ dollars.

With his small fortune, Manjiro bought a whaleboat which he used to return to Japan. When he reached Okinawa, he was quickly arrested for leaving the country. Government officials interviewed him extensively, asking him about the far-​off land of America. When he was eventually released, Manjiro was awarded a position as a minor official. Manjiro knew more about America than any Japanese person alive. Manjirō was probably the first Japanese person to take a train, ride in a steamship, officer an American vessel, and command a trans-​Pacific voyage. When Manjiro was summoned to Tokyo to answer questions about the outside world, he was made into a samurai.

Returning to Tosa, Manjiro urged Tosa officials to engage in foreign trade, knowing first-​hand how superior western technology was compared to the technology in Japan reminiscent of a bygone feudal era by European standards. Thanks to Manjiro’s advice, Tosa grew rapidly, becoming a prosperous domain. Increased trade helped Tosa grow economically, but it started to upset the centuries-​old social hierarchy of Japan. Though a commoner by birth, people such as Yataro Iwasaki started investing money into shipping founding his own company, Mitsubishi and used his wealth to buy the rank of samurai. People like Yataro and Manjiro proved that anyone samurai or peasant had unlimited potential.

Manjiro also introduced western ideas translating authors like John Stuart Mill, Herbert Spencer, and Jean Jacques Rousseau into Japanese. Manjiro was the leading authority in the nation on all things western and taught educated future liberals like Itagaki on western ideas of constitutional government.

By the age of 18, Itagaki was sent by his local lord of daimyo to study at Edo. Upon returning, Itagaki was exiled for criticizing Tosa officials he disagreed with. While in exile, he spent his time studying and hunting until he was recalled to Tosa to take charge of a team of tax collectors. Itagaki questioned the legitimacy of the highly centralized Tokugawa regime. He believed in local autonomy and public participation in politics, something that was completely alien to Japan run by a small cadre of elite scholars and samurai.

Though the Tokugawa shogunate had reigned for two hundred years, the regime was thrown into question with the arrival of four American steamships. In 1852, the American Commodore Matthew Perry was given a mission by President Millard Fillmore, force the Japanese to open their ports to American trade by using whatever means necessary. American whalers ships needed coal to power their steamships, and European monopolies meant America needed to find an alternative source of coal, and Japan was ripe for the taking.

By 1853, Perry reached the city of Uraga at Edo Bay. The port of Nagasaki was the only Japanese port open to foreigners, but Perry ignored this and sailed ahead towards the capital of Edo. As a show of military might, Perry ordered his crew to fire 73 their cannons 73 times, supposedly as a celebration of Independence Day, but in reality, Perry was showing American military might. Perry eventually met with Japanese officials handing over a letter from President Fillmore promising to return for a reply.

When decisive leadership was needed desperately, the Japanese head of the state, the shogun Tokugawa Ieyoshi died, leaving the administration of the state in the hands of a council of elders. Unsure of how to proceed, the Japanese negotiators floundered, causing Perry to lose his patience. He threatened to bring a hundred more ships within twenty days unless his demands were met. The Japanese had never seen such formidable ships or canons with explosive shells, and it was obvious that war even against a fraction of American military might would be a death sentence. Perry’s demands were met, ports were opened to foreign trade, and American citizens could live and trade at certain ports. Other nations followed suit, and by 1858, the Dutch, French, Russians, and British secured commercial treaties. Now in his twenties, Itagaki began to doubt the efficacy of government affairs run by high-​ranking samurai. Fearing for Japan, Itagaki started to indulge in anti-​westerner views.

In the face of an external crisis, the Tokugawa regime flinched and agreed to wholly unequal treaties and considered humiliating. High-​ranking samurai began to lose faith in the Shogun. Western nations were ever-​expanding into new colonial territories, and it seemed like Japan was on its way to becoming a colony for whatever western nation prevailed. Anti-​western sentiment and international humiliation fuelled movements that called for the overthrow of the Shogun. Japan had always had an emperor, but this position was largely ceremonial without real power. The real power lay in the hands of the Shogun, the military dictator who ruled Japan. By 1867, samurai mainly from the Choshu, Satsuma, and Tosa domains united secretly to overthrow the Shogun and replace him with the Emperor, who vowed to expel the western barbarians from the country. By now, Itagaki was one of the highest-​ranking officials in Tosa. He secretly purchased 300 U.S-made rifles and armed his followers.

In 1868, shogunate forces marched on Kyoto to deliver a letter to the Emperor warning him to cease his bid for power. Anti-​shogun forces met the shogun army at Fushimi near Kyoto, and the war began. After four days of fighting despite outnumbering the pro-​emperor forces 3-1, the Shogun’s forces were soundly defeated after four days of fighting thanks to the pro-​emperor’s side superior western firepower, including howitzers and miníe rifles. Itagaki became a war hero during the war when his forces soundly defeated the Aizu clan in Northern Japan. By June of 1869, the fighting was over, the rebels had overthrown the Shogun, and the now-​deceased Emperor was succeeded by his son Meiji who started the aptly named Meiji restoration, a period during which Japan rapidly modernized to catch up with the western powers they feared. Emperor Meiji quickly abandoned his father’s promise to expel the so-​called barbarians realizing that coexistence with the west was the only option for Japan.

During the Boshin war, the former Emperor promulgated the Charter Oath, a document that outlined the main aims of the Emperor’s new regime. There were five clauses, establish deliberative assemblies guided by open discussion, unit all classes in carrying out the administration of the state, that commoners could pursue whatever profession they preferred, that evil customs of the past were to be abandoned, and lastly, that knowledge was to be sought wherever it came from to strengthen Japan. The charter was certainly a step in the right direction; however it was vague, it answered some questions but raised even more. Now a decorated war hero, Itagaki was appointed as a cabinet consultant, and by 1870 he was promoted to the rank of councilor of state.

By 1873, Korea has refused to recognize Japan’s sovereignty, still recognizing it as a vassal to China refusing to receive a Japanese envoy. Disaffected samurai who were quickly losing their state-​funded privileges needed a source of income and believed an expedition could help restore the samurai to their rightful place as hereditary caretakers of Japan, a notion Emperor Meiji had begun to act against by abolishing hereditary privileges. Itagaki, alongside a fellow Boshin War hero Saigo Takamori supported the war. The Emperor gradually lowered samurai’s stipends, leading to widespread poverty amongst the formerly powerful samurai class. Itagaki also believed that an invasion of Korea would be a chance to establish Japan as an empire. This blots Itagaki’s future liberal credentials; however, context is necessary. The geopolitical dynamics of the time for East Asian countries were relatively simple, become a colony, or start your own. People such as Itagaki and Saigo decided they would rather be conquerors than be conquered. But when the majority of the government refused to declare war, Itagaki, Saigo, and others resigned. Though Itagaki’s reasoning for resigning was not solely due to the refusal of an expedition. Itagaki observed that the prominent supporters of the Emperor during the war were awarded government positions leading to the domination of Satsuma and Choshu officials. Itagaki opposed the Tokugawa government because it monopolized positions of power within a small clique and centralized all power. He saw the same thing happening yet again in the Meiji regime and thus resigned in protest.

Itagaki returned to his native Tosa and was appointed the position of chief executive officer of the region. He focused his energies on modernizing efforts, reducing restrictions on private businesses, and making it easier to obtain permits for trade and shipping. But Itgakai had an ambitious vision for Japan beyond Tosa. Itagaki believed the main issue facing Japan was that government officials acted on their own will. The law was interpreted loosely and constantly changed and bent to suit those in power. There was little if any accountability and the vast majority of the public had a voice to air their grievances. Alongside eight other disaffected samurai, Itagaki submitted the Memorial on the Establishment of A Representative Assembly. In this document, Itagaki and his cohorts demanded the government establish a popularly elected assembly that was subject to the will of the people.

He explained that in the current administration, “decrees of the government appear in the morning and are changed in the evening.” The law was inconsistent and constantly changing. Furthermore, Itagaki explained that the application of the law is influenced ‘by private considerations, rewards and punishments” wholly depending “on personal favor or disfavour” of officials. Because “the channel by which the people should communicate with the government is blocked, and they cannot state their grievances” leading a cycle of poor government. Itagaki demanded that Japan adopted a more western style of government that resected public discussion of issues and constitutional limits on power to ensure the universal rights of all people. Pre-​empting anti-​western feelings over adopting a foreign style of government, Itagaki responded by saying that foreigners discovered how to establish better governments through actual experience that if people were against foreign styles of government because they were not Japanese, it would be like if Japanese people wouldn’t use steam engines until they discovered their principles and mechanics on their own.

Beyond discussing how the government ought to be structured, Itagaki also evoked the importance of natural rights and liberty, writing that liberty is “an assumption which requires no defense,” a nod to the Declration of Independence’s claim that people’s inalienable rights are “self-​evident.”

In 1875, Itagaki established the Party of Public Patriots, a name specifically chosen to avoid the strict censorship laws of the time. Itagaki aimed to use this organization to push for direct government election of officials. The party declared that “We, the thirty millions of people in Japan are all equally endowed with certain definite rights, among which are those of enjoying and defending life and liberty, acquiring and possessing property, and obtaining a livelihood and pursuing happiness. These rights are by Nature bestowed upon all men, and, therefore, cannot be taken away by the power of any man.” Itagaki was an admirer of the American and French Revolutions, so it is no surprise he included the Lockean trio of rights life, liberty, and property, alongside the distinctly American pursuit of happiness. Until now, tradition had been the ultimate standard of what should be, but Itagaki introduced the western appeal to natural rights and abstract concepts of justice removed from circumstance and tradition.

All over Japan, Shinjuku’s were established, schools that taught both western sciences and literature. Authors like John Stuart Mill, Herbert Spencer, Jean Jacques Rousseau, and Joh Locke were at the top of reading lists. Fearful of these ideas spreading, the government attempted to censor schools. However, demand was high for these schools, and the government could do little to quell people’s enthusiasm. Itagaki also established the Self-​Help Movement, named after the British author Samuel Smiles’s book about how even those born into poverty could succeed with perseverance. While this might sound a bit like pulling yourself up by the bootstraps talk, one has to remember Japanese people were used to their status being decided by birth, not merit. The Self-​Help Movement preached that birth had little to do with one’s potential, a lesson embodied by men like Manjiro. Thanks to Itagaki, Tosa became known as the Mecca of Liberalism in Japan. Others followed Itagaki’s example, starting societies to push for the rights of the people and an elected legislature.

The Meiji oligarchs feared the spread of liberal ideas would lead to their downfall. They were not in principle against what Itagaki advocated for. They just wanted a gradual transition, one in which they would ideally keep their power and status. In 1875 government leaders met with Itagaki and other reformers pledging to establish a constitutional monarchy and a legislative assembly. Itagaki rejoined the government as a councilor but resigned shortly after. Despite all of their talk Itagaki saw that power was still concentrated in a small clique of elites. Realizing that Itagaki would be impossible the placate, legislation was created that greatly restrained free speech and association in an effort to strangle reform movements. But the real threat was not the reformers but the old guard.

Former samurai who had served in the Boshin War felt betrayed by the Meiji government they had fought to install. The Emperor had promised to expel the barbarians, but now western ideas were flourishing throughout Japan. Increasingly samurai privileges were restrained and abolished. Fearing they would become obsolete in 1877, discontent samurai in Satsuma erupted into rebellion leading to the name the Satsuma rebellion. Led by the reluctant leadership of Saigo Takamori, the samurai attempted to overthrow to Meiji government to no avail. By the end of the year, the rebellion had been defeated, with Saigo committing ritual suicide after his forces were defeated. Though an old friend of Saigo, Itagaki did not join the rebellion. When confronted by Saigo’s followers who asked why he did not join them, he explained that Saigo fights the government with arms; we will fight them with the people’s rights.”

Following the Satsuma, the government further cracked down on any form of dissent attempting to choke the movement. But by 1881, it was apparent Itagaki and his followers had no intentions of being silenced. Realizing the need for reform, an edict was announced promising a national assembly would be inaugurated alongside a written constitution within ten years. In response to the government’s edict, Itagaki founded Japan’s first-​ever political party, the Liberal party. Itagaki stated the purpose of the Liberal Party “is to enjoy nature-​given happiness, by propagating the truth of liberty, cultivating popular power, and limiting artificial power.” In an essay entitled On Liberty, Itagaki laid out why he pursued democratic government with such passion. He explained that “even a good government and just laws can suddenly degenerate into despotism and oppression.” Good laws are not enough; an active and vigilant citizenry must check power. For Itagaki, “Public opinion is the axis around which government policy should revolve.”

But until very recently, Japan had no history of popular participation. To educate people on democratic government and the role of the citizen, Itagaki began touring Japan preaching his doctrine of limited and accountable government. He was met by large and enthusiastic crowds. But despite his popularity, some loathed the changes Itagaki argued for, so much so, one disgruntled reactionary attempted to assassinate Itagaki during one of his speeches. Despite bleeding profusely, Itagaki shouted, “Itagaki may die but liberty will live.” Thankfully Itagaki survived the assassination attempt. To the chagrin of reactionaries, Itagaki may die, but liberty will live became a slogan of the popular rights movement.

With a written constitution in the works, Itagaki decided to visit Europe to survey constitutional systems so that he could figure out what would be best for the people of Japan. Itagaki and the Liberal party wanted a liberal monarchy based upon the English system, while the more conservative Meiji oligarchs pressed for a Prussian system with sovereignty located in the Emperor. Though Itagaki was radical in Japanese terms, he never dreamt of a Japanese government without some form of Emperor. Itagaki explained why he undertook his trip, writing, “I had read a few books and heard about Western traditions, but had only imagined what the situation of European countries might be, and the situation of Asia as it might be.” He also admitted that his samurai upbringing during a period of isolationism meant he had a limited imagination for alternative systems.

Itagaki set sail at the beginning of November in 1882 aboard a French steamship. En route to Europe, Itagaki stopped at Hong Kong, Saigon, Singapore, Sri Lanka, and Yemen. Though he set out on his voyage to admire westerners, his stops at Asian countries made him aware of widespread western imperialism. He noticed that at home western countries preached an egalitarian doctrine against the privileges of the nobility in favor of equality. Countries like England might be defenders of liberty at home, but in places like Hong Kong, Singapore, and India, they destroyed liberty for the locals and monopolized positions of power. Summarizing European hypocrisy, Itagaki wrote, “the people who advocate liberty and equality and boast of their civilization are the ones who arbitrarily impose their rights as lords, which they formerly disliked themselves, and oppress Asian people.”

However, once Itagaki reached Marseilles, he was amazed by its prosperity, concluding that he had arrived in the center of civilization. While In France, Itagaki met with the famous author Victor Hugo who recommended using novels to promote political consciousness in Japan. While visiting England, Itagaki met with Herbert Spencer, who quickly became tired of Itagaki pontificating about his views and cut their meeting short.

Overall, Itagaki’s trip to Europe diluted his liberal principles. Seeing first-​hand the colonialism of European nations, Itagaki, like many others, advocated for a strong military force to repel would-​be colonists. While abroad, the Liberal Party was also significantly weakened by censorship and internal strife. Some theorized that Itagaki’s trip was financed by the government to help collapse the Liberal Party. This was proved to be false, but the damage was done. By 1884, the Liberal Party was dissolved but was later revived in 1890 as the Constitutional Liberal Party. In 1889, the Meiji Constitution was drafted. Though it was more akin to the Prussian than English system giving extensive power to the Emperor, the Freedom and People’s Rights Movement under Itagaki’s leadership had achieved what would have been considered politically impossible a single generation ago, a written constitution limiting the state’s power by having standing rules not the whims of government officials.

Though the Liberal Constitutional Party remained as a force in Japanese politics with their main goal of establishing a national assembly achieved their energy waned in part also because of internal strife. In 1896 and 1889, Itagaki served in government as Home Minister overseeing the administration of public works and elections. By the turn of the century, Itagaki was 63 years old and decided to retire from political life. He spent his days writing and discussing political issues until his death of natural causes in 1919. Though obscure today, Itagaki is featured on the Japanese 100 yen note as a tribute to his memory.

It is a mistake to view the Meiji Restoration as a period of modernization in technology alone, ideas advanced in tandem. Itagaki Taisuke was born into a strict feudal society ruled by a de-​facto military dictator. By the end of his life, after decades of agitation, Japan was a constitutional monarchy, the first of its kind in East Asia. Through multiple organizations, Itagaki spread the ideas of John Stuart Mill, Herbert Spencer, and John Jacques Rousseau. Western historians tend to view the Meiji Restoration as an inevitable event determined by circumstance, but as Joseph Puliztzr once warned, “Any event, once it has occurred, can be made to appear inevitable by any competent journalist or historian.” The Meiji oligarchs opposed reform at every single turn, constantly kicking the can down the road promising gradual change. It is unlikely that without the gadfly Itagaki the government would have fulfilled its promises for a reformed government. The freedoms people earned, the rights they protected, and the prosperity they experienced were not due to historical happenstance but the efforts of men like Itagaki Taiksuke, who broke with tradition and challenged unchecked political power.